My topic is wage gap.(race and racisms)1.Content: Introduce the topic, define concepts addressed, include findings, and conclusion.2. Theories and concepts – You must use the material from this course (readings and lectures).Content: you will be graded on how well you integrate theories and concepts with research, how well you develop these theories into a plausible explanation of your findings.3.You must meet with those working on theory and concepts and focus on the points to be discussed in findings using the concepts and theories.
contemporary_racist_movements.docx
explaining_white_privilege_to_a_broke_white_person___huffpost.pdf
frames_of_color_blind_racism.docx
the_myth_of_racial_democracy_in_brazil.docx
the_persistence_of_white_privilege_and_institutional_racism_in_us_policy.pdf
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Contemporary Racist Movements
The Enduring racist rhetoric
• Anti- immigration organizations
• Right wing politics
• Mass incarceration
• Cyber-racism
• White supremacist movements
• White nationalism
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Modern Racism and Anti- Immigration Policies
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The Myth of Race: The Troubling Persistence of an Unscientific Idea, by Robert Wald
Sussman
• Pioneer Fund goals (pg. 273
(1) to provide “scientifi c” documentation of racial differences and award grants to educational
institutions and individuals for research projects that were in line with that goal;
(2) to widely disseminate results to the media;
(3) to or ga nize and subsidize its own periodical and other fronts in order to widely distribute
more subtle propaganda; and
(4) to support legislation and legal matters related to their racially motivated agenda.
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Pioneer Fund provided support in the 1970s and 1980s to the following organizations:
New Century Foundation (mainly to support the foundation’s major project, the
American Renaissance Foundation),
Federation for American Immigration Reform (FAIR)
American Immigration Control Foundation (AICF)
US Senators Theodore Bilbo and Jesse Helms
Tom Ellis, one of the main developers of Pioneer Fund is associated with the following
groups:
National Congressional Club
The Coalition for Freedom
Co- founder of Fairness in Media
Board member of the Educational Support Foundation
• The American Renaissance Foundation
• Monthly magazine American Renaissance – AR
• Associated with New Century Foundation and founded by Jared Taylor
White supremacist social movements online and in a global context
• Chapter 4 of Daniels’s book Cyber Racism: White supremacy online and the new attack
on civil rights
• White supremacist movement in the internet appear in “cloaked websites” as a “difficult
to detect authorship and hidden agendas” (pg. 4).
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“Cyber Racism, a term coined by Les Back … refers to a range of white supremacist
movements in Europe and North America and to the new horizons the Internet and
digital media have opened for expression of whiteness across national boundaries” (pg.
4).
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Cyber Racism leads to intimidation, harassment, violence, and racial terror in the real
lives of humanity.
The frequency of mass shootings experienced by so many in the past five years have
been motivated and inspired by white supremacists active in cyber racist sites.
Daniels points out that “the least-recognized – and, hence, most insidious – threat used
by white supremacy online is the epistemological menace to our accumulation and
production of knowledge about race, racism, and civil rights in the digital era” (pg. 8).
The goal of white supremacy in the internet is to ““undermine hard-won political battles
for racial and ethnic equality by rearticulating an essentialist notion of white racial
purity borrowing the rhetoric of civil rights” (pg. 8).
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Daniels quotes philosopher Charles W. Mills to explain that white supremacy is “’an
epistemology of ignorance,’ ironically resulting in whites generally being ‘unable to
understand the world that they themselves have made’” (pg. 8).
This epistemology provides the structure for the “white racial frame by allowing whites
to retreat from pluralistic civi engagement into a whites-only digital space where they
can question the cultural values of tolerance and racial equality unchallenged by anyone
outside that frame” (pg. 8).
In chapter four, Daniels explores the globalization of white supremacist social
movements online, by focusing on three points:
Manuel Castells study on racial identity and globalization as they operate in online social
movements
The threat to democracy, political values, and public expression
And the effectiveness of these white supremacist groups in recruiting more members
into their sites.
Online social movements focus on cultural values.
Daniels compares Castells’s work The Power of Identity and Benjamin Barber’s Jihad vs.
McWorld to examine the role of globalization in identity formation
“Barber envisions McWorld as a commercialized, homogenized, depoliticized, and
bureaucratized future, while Jihad is parochial, tribal, and factious” (pg. 40).
For both Castells and Barber globalization implies “tolerance, pluralism, and
cosmopolitanism, whereas identity is implicated in racism, tribalism, and ethnic
identities” (pg. 40)
Daniels’s analysis of Castells study focused on patriot movement shows a limited view
by pointing out that:
5. The movement focus on white supremacy seeing the government as the enemy
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Sees globalization as threat
It is a movement centered on backlash of non-white-male-cisgender groups
Christian values are superior to all others
The above points speaks of a specific American perspective and Daniels says that patriot
movement is only one expression of white supremacy and that Castells erred in focusing
his studies on this group as white supremacy in the internet is part of globalized trend.
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stormfront.org
Created by Don Black in 1995
“White pride worldwide” tagline
Daniels further criticizes Castells’s study pointing out that: “he overlooks the internet’s
importance in forming a global white identity that transcends local and regional ties”
(pg. 42).
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Translocal whiteness
Term coined by sociologist Les Back, to highlight “a global white racist cyber culture”
“A racial identity shaped by global information flows” (pg. 44).
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Cyberactivism
“Refers to the proliferation of social movement organizations that fail themselves of
internet techonologies to further their goals, which often include promoting a more
inclusive, democratic society” (pg. 46).
It relies on “financial backing, garnering media coverage, establishing organizational
structures, and forming political alliances with those in power” (pg. 47).
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MoveOn.org vs. stormfront.org
A comparative study by Noriko Hara and Zilia Estrada – Hate and Peace in a Connected
World: Comparing MoveOn and Stormfront
• “MoveOn remains consistently more popular than stormfront.org… however, the fact
that there are many people sufficiently interested in white supremacy to register at
Storefront should give those hitnerested in social justice great pause to consider which
civil rights goals have been achieved and which goals remain unfilled” (Daniels, pg. 48).
Hara and Estrada comparative study of storefront.org and movenon.org
https://ojphi.org/ojs/index.php/fm/article/view/1104/1024
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Cyber racism and recruitment of members on the internet
Daniels didn’t see a correlation in this case stating that most of recruitment is done via
face-to-face interaction, or traditional membership and recruitment.
He classifies three types of membership in social movement from its organizational
setting: leaders, members, and supporters. The two first categories are classified as
active participants and supporters “may never be recognized as official member, may
never pay dues, and my be only marginally involved in the activities of the movement,
but think of themselves as part of the movement,” while membership implies “formally
recognized leaders, a somewhat rigid member status… and formal structure,” however,
it is important to note that a member has “a narrowly constructed social identity” (pg.
49).
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Based on Hara and Estrada’s study, Daniels produces an analysis of stormfront.org and
distinguishes passive from active participants from the 129,000 registered users in 2008.
He classifies passive participants as guests and visitors who range from supportive of the
cause, curiousity, and oppositional, most are “read-only participants.” And active
participants as registered users who Daniels places in four categories: “active
innovators, creators, early adopters; active sustaining members; active supportive
members; and active oppositional members” (pg. 51).
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People seek out stormfront.org instead of being recruited by the site.
The message “white pride worldwide” is the hook
“This speaks to the existence of cultural, embedded, and internal white supremacy
rather than an extremist one, external to the core culture. This embedded white
supremacy is part of a white racial frame. This is further reaching than and individual
bigotry and reflects for centuries of systemic racism permeating all of our major societal
institutions” (pg. 52)
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White racial frame
Using Thomas Jefferson’s quotation from Notes on the State of Virginia to build a white
racial frame.
“Nothing is more certainly written in the book of fate than these [the Negro] people are
to be free. Not is the less certain that the two races, equally free, cannot live in the
same governments.”
When “individuals adopt the white racial frame, the racial foundations of the United
States, such as these statements by Jefferson, get ignored because to pay attention to
such passages would open up the possibility of an analysis of systemic racism.
Opportunities for such analysis are forestalled by the white racial frame” (pg. 52).
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stormfront_%28website%29
The fact that the stormfront.org has been taken down in 2017 does not erase the fact
that white racist groups are still active. The upside is how these groups names and goals
are clearly spelled out, removing any cloaked forms to disguise racism and hate.
https://www.splcenter.org/fighting-hate/extremist-files/ideology/anti-muslim
Explaining White Privilege To A Broke
White Person
Gina Crosley-Corcoran
Years ago some feminist on the Internet told me I was “privileged.”
REAL LIFE. REAL NEWS. REAL VOICES.
Help us tell more of the stories that matter from voices that too often remain
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I came from the kind of poor that people donʼt want to believe still exists in this
country. Have you ever spent a frigid northern-Illinois winter without heat or
running water? I have. At 12 years old were you making ramen noodles in a
coffee maker with water you fetched from a public bathroom? I was. Have you
ever lived in a camper year-round and used a random relativeʼs apartment as
your mailing address? We did. Did you attend so many different elementary
schools that you can only remember a quarter of their names? Welcome to my
childhood.
This is actually a much nicer trailer setup than the one I grew up in.
So when that feminist told me I had “white privilege,” I told her that my white
skin didnʼt do shit to prevent me from experiencing poverty. Then, like any
good, educated feminist would, she directed me to Peggy McIntoshʼs nowfamous 1988 piece “White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack.”
After one reads McIntoshʼs powerful essay, itʼs impossible to deny that being
born with white skin in America affords people certain unearned privileges in
life that people of other skin colors simply are not afforded. For example:
“I can turn on the television or open to the front page of the paper and see
people of my race widely represented.”
“When I am told about our national heritage or about ‘civilization,ʼ I am shown
that people of my color made it what it is.”
“If a traffic cop pulls me over or if the IRS audits my tax return, I can be sure I
havenʼt been singled out because of my race.”
“I can if I wish arrange to be in the company of people of my race most of the
time.”
If you read through the rest of the list, you can see how white people and
people of color experience the world in very different ways. But listen: This is
not said to make white people feel guilty about their privilege. Itʼs not your fault
that you were born with white skin and experience these privileges. But
whether you realize it or not, you do benefit from it, and it is your fault if you
donʼt maintain awareness of that fact.
I do understand that McIntoshʼs essay may rub some people the wrong way.
There are several points on the list that I felt spoke more to the authorʼs status
as a middle-class person than to her status as a white person. For example:
“If I should need to move, I can be pretty sure of renting or purchasing
housing in an area, which I can afford and in which I would want to live.”
“I can be pretty sure that my neighbors in such a location will be neutral or
pleasant to me.”
“I can go shopping alone most of the time, pretty well assured that I will not be
followed or harassed.”
“If I want to, I can be pretty sure of finding a publisher for this piece on white
privilege.”
And there are so many more points in the essay where the word “class” could
be substituted for the word “race,” which would ultimately paint a very
different picture. That is why I had such a hard time identifying with this essay
for so long. When I first wrote about white privilege years ago, I demanded to
know why this white woman felt that my experiences were the same as hers
when, no, my family most certainly could not rent housing “in an area which we
could afford and want to live,” and no, I couldnʼt go shopping without fear in
our low-income neighborhoods.
The idea that any olʼ white person can find a publisher for a piece is most
certainly a symptom of class privilege. Having come from a family of people
who didnʼt even graduate from high school, who knew not a single academic
or intellectual person, it would never occur to me to assume that I could be
published. It is absolutely a freak anomaly that Iʼm in graduate school,
considering that not one person on either side of my family has a college
degree. And it took me until my 30s to ever believe that someone from my
stock could achieve such a thing. Poverty colors nearly everything about your
perspective on opportunities for advancement in life. Middle-class, educated
people assume that anyone can achieve their goals if they work hard enough.
Folks steeped in poverty rarely see a life past working at the gas station,
making the rent on their trailer, and self-medicating with cigarettes and
prescription drugs until they die of a heart attack. (Iʼve just described one
whole side of my family and the life I assumed Iʼd be living before I lucked out
of it.)
I, maybe more than most people, can completely understand why broke white
folks get pissed when the word “privilege” is thrown around. As a child I was
constantly discriminated against because of my poverty, and those wounds
still run very deep. But luckily my college education introduced me to a more
nuanced concept of privilege: the term “intersectionality.” The concept of
intersectionality recognizes that people can be privileged in some ways and
definitely not privileged in others. There are many different types of privilege,
not just skin-color privilege, that impact the way people can move through the
world or are discriminated against. These are all things you are born into, not
things you earned, that afford you opportunities that others may not have. For
example:
Citizenship: Simply being born in this country affords you certain privileges
that non-citizens will never access.
Class: Being born into a financially stable family can help guarantee your
health, happiness, safety, education, intelligence, and future opportunities.
Sexual orientation: If you were born straight, every state in this country
affords you privileges that non-straight folks have to fight the Supreme Court
for.
Sex: If you were born male, you can assume that you can walk through a
parking garage without worrying that youʼll be raped and then have to deal
with a defense attorney blaming it on what you were wearing.
Ability: If you were born able-bodied, you probably donʼt have to plan your life
around handicap access, braille, or other special needs.
Gender identity: If you were born cisgender (that is, your gender identity
matches the sex you were assigned at birth), you donʼt have to worry that
using the restroom or locker room will invoke public outrage.
As you can see, belonging to one or more category of privilege, especially
being a straight, white, middle-class, able-bodied male, can be like winning a
lottery you didnʼt even know you were playing. But this is not to imply that any
form of privilege is exactly the same as another, or that people lacking in one
area of privilege understand what itʼs like to be lacking in other areas. Race
discrimination is not equal to sex discrimination and so forth.
And listen: Recognizing privilege doesnʼt mean suffering guilt or shame for
your lot in life. Nobodyʼs saying that straight, white, middle-class, able-bodied
males are all a bunch of assholes who donʼt work hard for what they have.
Recognizing privilege simply means being aware that some people have to
work much harder just to experience the things you take for granted (if they
ever can experience them at all).
I know now that I am privileged in many ways. I am privileged as a natural-born
white citizen. I am privileged as a cisgender woman. I am privileged as an ablebodied person. I am privileged that my first language is also our national
language, and that I was born with an intellect and ambition that pulled me out
of the poverty that I was otherwise destined for. I was privileged to be able to
marry my way “up” by partnering with a privileged, middle-class, educated
male who fully expected me to earn a college degree.
There are a million ways I experience privilege, and some that I certainly donʼt.
But thankfully, intersectionality allows us to examine these varying dimensions
and degrees of discrimination while raising awareness of the results of multiple
systems of oppression at work.
Tell me: Are you a white person whoʼs felt uncomfortable with the term “white
privilege”? Does a more nuanced approach help you see your own privilege
more clearly?
___________________
Also on The Huffington Post:
PHOTO GALLERY
Workplace Diversity Countries
FRAMES OF COLOR-BLIND RACISM
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“The Central Frames of Color-Blind Racism” chapter 3 in Racism without Racists: Colorblind Racism and the Persistence of Racial Inequality in the United States, by Eduardo
Bonnilla-Silva, 2013
Culture of Poverty
Declining Significance of Race
These frames demonstrate the persistence of systemic, structural, and institutional
discrimination
Bonnilla-Silva collected data from interviews with college students and through Detroit
Area Study (DAS)
“How is it possible to have this tremendous degree of racial inequality in a country
where most whites claim that race is no longer relevant?”
“How do whites explain the apparent contradiction between their professed color
blindness and the United States’ color-coded inequality?” (p. 2)
New Ideology of Color-Blind Racism
• Bonnilla-Silva explains racial inequality as “the outcome of nonracial dynamics…white
rationalize minorities’ contemporary status as the produce of market dynamics,
naturally occurring phenomena, and blacks’ imputed cultural limitations” (p. 2)
• Bonnilla-Silva divided the central frames of color-blind racism into hard, soft, and
counter-framing, placing them into a dialectic about color-blind racism.
Hard Framing
• Explicit racism – depicted in cartoons, jokes, and rhetoric denoting that people of color
are inferior due to biology and culture.
Soft Framing
• Downplays the reality of racism and plays up the color blind racism
• Ex: housing discrimination
• Ex: some of Obama’s speeches have used a softer frame- when he spoke out about a
police officer arresting a Harvard law professor from being locked out of his houseObama came out hard and said this happens all the time because they are black- some
of the backtracking he is for …
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